Author: African Women's Development Fund

[tp lang=”en” not_in=”fr”]The African Women’s Development Fund (AWDF) will be participating in the 54^th session of the Commission on the Status of Women in New York, USA, as well as several parallel events, February 27^th -8^th March, 2010.

On Monday 1st of March, 2010, AWDF will hold the New York launch of an exciting new publication ‘Voice, Power and Soul: Portraits of African Feminists” during the African Women’s Caucus. This event will take place between 2.00pm – 4.00pm on the 8^th floor of the Church Centre. A number of African feminists featured in the book will be present at the launch. AWDF will also be participating in the launch of the African Regional Shadow Report for Beijing + 15 which it has supported.

AWDF, as part of its commitment to promote learning and the sharing of experiences on a local, national and international level will be supporting the following national and regional partners to participate in this year’s CSW in New York:

• African Women’s Communication and Development Network (FEMNET)
• ABANTU for Development (Ghana)
• Federation of Women Lawyers (Ghana)
• Young Women’s Christian Association (Zimbabwe)
• Inter-African Committee on Harmful Traditional Practices (IAC)
• Nigeria Gender Budget Network (NGBN)
• Women’s Consortium of Nigeria
• Network for Women’s Rights (Ghana)

According to AWDF’s Executive Director, Bisi Adeleye-Fayemi, “Supporting African women’s rights organizations to participate in key international convening’s such as the CSW is critical to the work that we do at AWDF. It is important that the voices of African women are represented at all levels of policy and dialogue especially at this key juncture where women around the world are debating action and accountability around the Beijing Platform for Action”.

AWDF’s delegation to this year’s CSW includes Bisi Adeleye-Fayemi (Executive Director), Dr Hilda Tadria (Board Chair), Sarah Mukasa (Director of Programs), Roselyn Musa (Information and Documentation Officer) and Nana Sekyiamah (Communications Officer).

The African Women’s Development Fund (AWDF) is a grant-making foundation which supports local, national and regional organizations in Africa working towards women’s empowerment. AWDF, through institutional capacity building and program development seeks to build a culture of learning and partnerships within the African women’s movement.

The vision of AWDF is for African women to live in a world in which there is social justice, equality and respect for women’s human rights. To this end, our mission is to mobilize financial resources to support local, national and regional initiatives led by women, which will lead to the achievement of this vision. Since its establishment in 2000, AWDF has funded over 1,000 women’s groups in 46 African countries.

Press Enquiries

Nana Sekyiamah – Programme Officer (Fundraising & Communications)

Tel: + 233 21 521257

Fax: +233 21 521257

Email: nana@africlub.net/awdf

Websites: www.africlub.net/awdf[/tp]

[tp lang=”en” not_in=”fr”]Le Fonds Africain de Développement de la Femme (AWDF) participera à la 54ème session de la Commission sur la condition de la femme à New York, Etats-Unis, ainsi que plusieurs événements parallèles, le 27 Février -8th Mars 2010.

Le lundi 1er of Mars 2010, AWDF tiendra le lancement à New York d’une nouvelle publication passionnante Voice, Power and Soul: Portraits des féministes africaines »pendant le Caucus des femmes africaines. Cet événement aura lieu entre 14h00-16h00 au 8e étage du Centre Eglise. Un certain nombre de féministes africaines figurant dans le livre sera présent lors du lancement. AWDF participera également au lancement du rapport alternatif régional africain de Beijing + 15, qui a pris en charge.

AWDF, dans le cadre de son engagement à promouvoir l’apprentissage et le partage d’expériences au niveau local, national et international sera de soutenir les partenaires nationaux et régionaux suivants à participer à la CSW de cette année à New York:

• Africaine Communication et le Développement Réseau des femmes (FEMNET)
• ABANTU pour le développement (Ghana)
• Fédération des femmes juristes (Ghana)
• Association chrétienne des jeunes femmes (Zimbabwe)
• Comité inter-africain sur les pratiques traditionnelles néfastes (IAC)
• Nigéria Sexe Réseau Budget (NGBN)
• Consortium des femmes du Nigeria
• Réseau pour les droits des femmes (Ghana)

Selon directeur exécutif de AWDF, Bisi Adeleye-Fayemi, “Soutenir les organisations de femmes africaines de l’homme à participer à est essentiel pour le travail que nous faisons à AWDF clé de convocation internationale comme la CSW. Il est important que les voix des femmes africaines sont représentées à tous les niveaux de la politique et le dialogue en particulier à ce moment clé où les femmes du monde entier débattent action et la responsabilité autour de la plate-forme d’action de Beijing “.

La délégation de AWDF à la CSW de cette année comprend Bisi Adeleye-Fayemi (directeur exécutif), le Dr Hilda Tadria (président du conseil), Sarah Mukasa (directeur des programmes), Roselyn Musa (et de la direction de documentation et d’information) et Nana Sekyiamah (Agente des communications).

Le Fonds Africain de Développement de la Femme (AWDF) est une fondation d’octroi de subventions qui soutient des organisations locales, nationales et régionales en Afrique travaillent à l’autonomisation des femmes. AWDF, à travers le renforcement des capacités institutionnelles et le développement de programme vise à construire une culture de l’apprentissage et des partenariats au sein du mouvement des femmes africaines.

La vision de AWDF est pour les femmes africaines de vivre dans un monde dans lequel il ya la justice sociale, l’égalité et le respect des droits humains des femmes. À cette fin, notre mission est de mobiliser des ressources financières pour soutenir les initiatives locales, nationales et régionales dirigées par des femmes, ce qui mènera à la réalisation de cette vision. Depuis sa création en 2000, AWDF a financé plus de 1000 groupes de femmes dans 46 pays africains.

Demandes de la presse

Nana Sekyiamah – Administrateur de programme (Levée de fonds et des communications)

Tel: + 233 21 521257

Fax: +233 21 521257

Email: nana@africlub.net/awdf

Sites Web: www.africlub.net/awdf

The African Women’s Decade (2010- 2020) to be launched regionally in October 2010, would coincide with the time that the women’s movement worldwide is marking significant landmarks on gender equality and the empowerment of women. This year, the world is reviewing thirty years of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Again Women (CEDAW), fifteen years of the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action (BPfA), ten years of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325, six years of the adoption of the Solemn Declaration on Gender Equality in Africa (SDGEA), and five years since the coming into force of the Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa, just to mention, but a few. A pointer to the fact that as far as women’s rights in Africa are concerned, we have reached a stage where implementation has to be given greater attention.

The Africa review of the Beijing Platform for Action (Beijing +15), which took place in Banjul in November 2009 paints a grim picture of African countries not meeting their commitments on gender equality. The decade presents a new chance for taking women’s rights in Africa to a higher level. One of the first and important steps should be to advocate for the implementation of the mechanisms that our governments have committed to. It is evident that we will make much progress without a framework that highlights what progress if any we are making towards transforming the lives of African women for the better. Advocacy should be accompanied by monitoring progress at different phases of the decade.

Adequate financial and technical resources are very crucial to making dreams come true, therefore approval for setting up a Women’s Trust Fund for African women (as agreed by the Heads of State of the AU under the SDGEA), could not have come at a better time. For the African Women’s decade to succeed the African Women’s Trust Fund should become operational without any further delay. In addition, the gender machineries at the country level, which are mandated with the responsibility of promoting gender equality, should be very well resourced by their governments so that they can carry out their mandates successfully.

Central to these is the need for women to tell their stories themselves. Experience sharing and dissemination of information on good practices would go a long way to avoid duplication. A tracking system to monitor and report on the achievements and progress with regard to the expected output should be developed and shared at the on set for both progress monitoring and evaluation at the end of the decade.

Ten years may give the illusion of a long time, but the reality is that time flies. Before one knows it the decade would have come and gone. It is my sincere hope that at the end of the historic African Women’s Decade we would all look back with pride, congratulate and pat ourselves on the back for having made the best use of this unique opportunity. We should hit the ground running.

Roselynn Musa

Programme Officer (Information & Documentation)

PRESS RELEASE

16 February 2010

A Black Day in the History of Justice in Egypt

Justice in Egypt received a blow to its essence when the general assembly refused to allow judges of the State Council (Administrative Courts) the option to appoint women to judiciary positions. 380 members participated in the vote. 334 members refused the option to appoint women while 43 agreed to allow women in these positions and 4 members abstained from voting. This decision is contradictory with the principles of justice and law. Because of abstract and general legal norms, the law should not be applied differently based on one’s gender, color, or race. Article 40 of the Constitution emphasizes this and states “All citizens are equal before the law. They have equal public rights and duties without discrimination between them due to race, ethnic origin, language, religion or creed.” This decision is contradictory to principles of citizenship, which is stated in the first article of the Constitution, “The Arab Republic of Egypt is a democratic state based on citizenship. The Egyptian people are part of the Arab nation and work for the realization of its comprehensive unity” as well as to Article 3 of the UN Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, “The States Parties to the present Covenant undertake to ensure the equal right of men and women to the enjoyment of all civil and political rights set forth in the present Covenant.”

ECWR views that this discussion and consequent decision is humiliating for both men and women. The discussion expresses a double standard within judicial appointment and puts shadows of doubts on the applied measures of justice in the State Council. ECWR is fearful of such double standards when the law is applied and do not trust such rulings.

ECWR wonders how the judges who refused women’s appointments will respond or make judgments to those women who come with cases seeking justice and equality in order to obtain positions in other governmental bodies. In a time that judges are calling for independence of the judicial system according to the Egyptian Constitution and international conventions they insist to make discrimination against women despite these documents.

ECWR sees that pretending women have failed in the judiciary or are not suitable for such positions based on women’s role in society is a real step back because they did not evaluate them based on the a criteria that measures their qualifications, experience, and expertise. Furthermore, there is an absence of an objective base of evaluation, as they did not invite women to participate in the discussion with regards to this decision and concerning what positions are suitable for women. In particular, there are a lot of highly qualified graduates from the faculty of law, who have been interested in participating in the judicial system since the middle of the 20th century and understand well the circumstances of work. ECWR strongly condemns the attitude of certain judges who regard themselves as the only rightful guardians of justice, in spite of the fatwa issued by Dr. Ali Gomaa, the religious ‘mufti,’ that stated women can be appointed to the position of judge or president.

ECWR demands:

– From all governmental bodies, NGOs, educated people, and the whole of civil society to come together in order to confront this decision that denies the appointment of women.

– Opportunities for law school graduates and lawyers to be appointed as judges based on a criterion that does not discriminate between men and women.

– That we quickly act to enact a law that prevents discrimination so Egyptians may begin to believe that the government treats its citizens on the basis of their citizenship principles and qualifications.

Women’s appointment as judges is an important step on the road to true justice!

Nehad Aboul Komsan

ECWR’s Chair

The Egyptian Center for Women’s Rights

135 Misr-Helwan El Zeraay

2nd Floor, Suite 3

Hadayek El Maadi, Cairo, Egypt

Tel: (20) 2.2527.1397 / 2528.2176

Fax: (20) 2.2528.2175

Email: ecwr@ecwronline.org

www.ecwronline.org

http://www.fourliteracies.com/

NGO in Special Consultative Staus with the Economic and Social Council of the United Nations

IMMEDIATE PRESS RELEASE

10th February 2010

The Launch of the African Women’s Development Fund’s Resource Centre

On the 10^th of February, 2010, The African Women’s Development Fund (AWDF) with support from The African Capacity Building Foundation (ACBF) will launch a resource facility for African Women at AWDF House, 78 Ambassadorial Enclave, East Legon, Accra, Ghana.

The establishment of AWDF’s Resource Centre is part of AWDF’s efforts to meet key strategic objectives including:

• To contribute towards building a body of knowledge on gender and development
• To showcase the contributions that African women have made to development in Africa
• To enhance AWDF’s documentation and information dissemination capacity
• To support capacity building initiatives which encourage good practice in NGO leadership and management, learning, networking, partnerships and collaborations

AWDF’s Resource Centre is well equipped with a range of literature particularly suited to women working in the non-governmental sector and women looking to enhance their personal/professional development. According to AWDF’s Executive Director Bisi Adeleye-Fayemi:

“It’s about time African Women have a Resource Centre where women can go to learn, read and develop themselves. A centre where women can meet, share knowledge with one another and network. As part of its capacity building efforts, AWDF is pleased to be able to provide such a space for African women”

ENDS

About AWDF

The African Women’s Development Fund (AWDF) is a grant-making foundation, which supports local, national and regional organizations in Africa working towards women’s empowerment. AWDF through institutional capacity building and program development seeks to build a culture of learning and partnerships within the African women’s movement.

The vision of AWDF is for African women to live in a world in which there is social justice, equality and respect for women’s human rights. To this end, our mission is to mobilize financial resources to support local, national and regional initiatives led by women, which will lead to the achievement of this vision.

Press Enquiries

Nana Sekyiamah – Programme Officer (Fundraising & Communications)

African Women’s Development Fund

Plot 78, Ambassadorial Enclave, East Legon, Accra

Tel: + 233 21 521257

Fax: +233 21 521257

Email: nana@africlub.net/awdf

Website: www.africlub.net/awdf

I would like to thank the Human Rights and Peace Centre for inviting me here this afternoon to share my views on this bill. It is great that HURIPEC organized this to be a dialogue and not a debate because debates have a tendency to polarize and divide along irrational gut-level responses. A dialogue, on the other hand, usefully sets the stage for people to listen to each other with understanding, tolerance and helps build bridges. I hope that this public dialogue will mark the first stepping stone for all of us to embark on a rewarding journey of mutual respect, simple decency and fairness.

Mr. Chairperson—

My brief talk this afternoon is divided into four sections:

1. First, I will address issues of mutual concern that I share with Hon. Bahati;
2. Secondly, I will open the window of history and offer us a glimpse of the politics of hatred and discrimination that has affected the struggle for human rights over the years;
3. Third, I will highlight the social meaning of the bill; and
4. Finally, I shall put on my legal hat and outline the legal implications that this bill holds for our country if passed into law.

1. I. Common Issues of Concern

I have scrutinized the bill thoroughly and the Honourable Member of Parliament David Bahati will be surprised to learn that I share some of his convictions. For example, Hon. Bahati I share your desires as expressed in the preamble to the bill:

1. To strengthen the nation’s capacity to deal with emerging internal and external threats to the family unit. It is nevertheless important to point out that most of these can hardly be realized through the regulatory mechanism of the law.
2. To protect the cherished culture of the people of Uganda, particularly the positive aspects of it.
3. To protect Ugandan children and youth who are vulnerable to sexual abuse and exploitation—whether the abuse is hetero and homosexual.

I do not have the time and space this afternoon to engage in a detailed sociological discussion of the concept that the bill refers to as the “Traditional African Family.” However, it is my humble opinion that the concept needs to be unpacked and scrutinized. Mr. Chairperson as you very well know, Africa is a vast continent with an extremely rich and diverse cultural history. Indeed it would be next to impossible to mark a particular institution as the one and only “Traditional African Family”.

I will cite just a few examples to demonstrate that matrimonial relations among various African communities have differed a great deal:-

a) While marriage between first cousins was traditionally taboo among the Baganda, marriages among blood-related kin were considered the best unions among the Bahima here in Uganda;

b) There is the phenomenon of chigadzamapfihwa where the family of a barren wife among the Ndaus of Zimbabwe would ‘donate’ her brother’s daughter to her husband to become a co-wife and bear children on behalf of the barren woman;

c) Practices of non-sexual woman-to-woman marriages among various African customs e.g., the Nandi and Kisii of Kenya, the Igbo of Nigeria, the Nuer of Sudan and the Kuria of Tanzania for purposes of coping with various reproductive, social and economic problems; and

d) Levirate marriages where a man inherits his dead brother’s wife were a customary requirement in many African communities.

While these may have been cultural practices at some point in our history, it is also important to recognize that family institutions all over the world are undergoing rapid transformation. The changes that we see in this basic unit of society are the result of many factors including, economic crises, an increasing number of working mothers, technological advancements, armed conflicts, natural disasters, globalization, migration, the HIV/AIDS pandemic, etc. Many of these changes and indeed the evolution of culture cannot be halted, certainly not through law.

Perhaps the undisputed value that is a common denominator in all traditional institutions of the family in Africa is the group solidarity that we have embedded in our extended family networks. Unfortunately, the support, stability, love and respect that were the hallmark of this family model are rapidly being eroded and will soon become history.

Thus, while I agree with you Hon. Bahati that we must seek ways of dealing with issues that threaten our families, I do not agree that homosexuality is one of those issues. Mr. Chairperson, Ladies and gentlemen, what issues currently threaten our families here in Uganda? I will name a few:

a) Blood thirsty Ugandans and traditional healers that believe that their good fortune will multiply through rituals of child sacrifice.

b) Rapists and child molesters who pounce on unsuspecting family members. Research undertaken by the NGO, Hope after Rape (HAR) shows that over 50% of child sexual abuse reports involve children below 10 years of age, and the perpetrators are heterosexual men who are known to the victims.[1]

c) Sexual predators that breach the trust placed in them as fathers, teachers, religious leaders, doctors, uncles and sexually exploit young girls and boys. A 2005 report by Raising Voices and Save the Children revealed that 90% of Ugandan children experienced domestic violence and defilement.[2]

d) Abusive partners who engage in domestic violence whether physical, sexual or emotional. The 2006 national study on Domestic Violence by the Law Reform Commission confirmed the DV was pervasive in our communities. 66% of people in all regions of Uganda reported that DV occurred in their homes and the majority of the perpetrators were “male heads of households.”[3] The Uganda Demographic Health Survey of 2006 put the figure slightly higher at 68%.[4]

e) Parents who force their 14-year old daughters to get married in exchange for bride price and marriage gifts.

f) A whole generation of children who were either born and bred in internally displaced persons (IDP) camps or abducted by the Lords Resistance Army (LRA) in the northern sub-region of Kitgum, Gulu and Pader districts.

g) The millions of children orphaned by HIV/AIDS. The Uganda Aids Commission puts the cumulative number of orphans due to AIDS at 2 million.[5]

h) The all powerful patriarchs that demand total submission and rule their households with an iron hand.

i) Rising poverty levels and growing food insecurity which lead to hunger, disease, suffering and undignified living. Figures from the latest report from the Uganda Bureau of Statistics show that over 60% of Ugandans living in rural areas live below the poverty line.[6]

I do not see how two people who are in a loving relationship and harming no one pose a threat to the family simply because they happen to be of the same sex. The argument that homosexuality is a threat to the continuity of humankind and that it will lead to the extinction of human beings in the world simply does not hold water because there are too many heterosexuals in the world for that to become a reality. How many of you in this room would “convert” to homosexuality any time soon?… So, just as the priests, nuns and monks who are sworn to a life of celibacy will not cause the extinction of humanity, homosexuals will not either.

1. II. Lessons from History

Anyone who cares to read history books knows very well that in times of crisis, when people at the locus of power are feeling vulnerable and their power is being threatened, they will turn against the weaker groups in society. They will pick out a weak voiceless group on whom to heap blame for all society’s troubles—refugees, displaced populations, stateless persons aka illegal immigrants, minorities with no status, children, the poor, the homeless, commercial sex workers, etc. I will offer a few examples to illustrate this point:

• In Uganda, colonialists at various times blamed traditional chiefs and elders as well as Muslims as the main impediments to progress and civilization.
• Dictator Idi Amin blamed Asians for Uganda’s dire economic problems and expelled all Indians in the early 1970s.
• When Milton Obote’s political power was threatened during his second regime in the early 1980s he embarked on a deliberate campaign of hostility towards refugees in Uganda, particularly those of Rwandese extract. Obote’s persecution of the Banyarwanda in Uganda and the whipping up of anti-Rwandese sentiments included the constant reference to his political opponent, Yoweri Museveni as a “foreigner from Rwanda.”
• In the 20 years that northern Uganda faced armed conflict, the NRM administration pointed fingers at Kony and the LRA was blamed for all the atrocities and suffering of the people in the north.
• The transmission of HIV/AIDS at various points in our history has been blamed on different “weak” constituents including commercial sex workers, truck drivers, young women aged 15-23, and mothers to babies.
• When native South Africans faced dire economic crisis they turned against black “foreigners”, blaming them for the high unemployment rates and sparking off brutal xenophobic attacks against helpless immigrants/migrants and refugees in May 2008.

The lesson drawn from these chapters in our recent history is that today it is homosexuals under attack; tomorrow it will be another exaggerated minority.

Homosexuality has troubled people for a very long time. Some religions find it distressing and there are many debates around it. Mr. Chairperson and distinguished participants where did the idea of destroying homosexuality come from? As his excellency President Museveni pointed out at the inaugural Young Achievers Awards Ceremony last weekend, homosexuals existed prior to the coming of Europeans to Uganda. According to the President: “They were not persecuted but were not encouraged either” (Daily Monitor Nov 16, 2009 at p.2). The idea of destroying homosexuality came from colonialists. In other words, homosexuality was not introduced to Africa from Europe as many would want us to believe. Rather, Europe imported legalized homophobia to Africa.

Homosexuality was introduced as an offence in Uganda directly through laws that were imported from Britain during colonialism. And what did these same colonialists think of the “African traditional family” in Uganda? They certainly did not introduce sodomy laws in order to protect the traditional African family. In fact they believed that the traditional African family was inferior to their nuclear monogamous one and considered the former barbarous and ‘repugnant to good conscience and morality.’ This colonial attitude was well exemplified in the infamous 1917 case of R. v. Amkeyo, in which Justice Hamilton dismissed customary marriages as mere ‘wife purchase.’

Today, with all the economic, social and political crises facing Uganda, homosexuals present a convenient group to point fingers at as the “biggest threat” or the “real problem” to society. Mr. Chairperson, ladies and gentlemen, the re-criminalisation of homosexuality is meant to distract the attention of Ugandans from the real issues that harm us. It conveniently diverts the attention of the millions of Ugandans who have been walking the streets for years with their college certificates and no jobs on offer. Ladies and gentlemen, homosexuals have nothing to do with the hundreds of thousands of families that sleep without a meal or the millions of children who die unnecessarily every day from preventable or treatable diseases such as malaria, diarrhea, measles, pneumonia, etc. Homosexuals are not the ones responsible for the lack of drugs and supplies at primary health care centres.

1. III. The Social Implications of the Bill to the Average Ugandan

You may think that this bill targets only homosexual individuals. However, homosexuality is defined in such a broad fashion as to include “touching another person with the intention of committing the act of homosexuality.” This is a provision highly prone to abuse and puts all citizens (both hetero and homosexuals) at great risk. Such a provision would make it very easy for a person to witch-hunt or bring false accusations against their enemies simply to “destroy” their reputations and cause scandal. We all have not forgotten what happened to Pastor Kayanja and other men of God in the recent past.

Moreover, the bill imposes a stiff fine and term of imprisonment for up to three years for any person in authority over a homosexual who fails to report the offender within 24 hours of acquiring such knowledge. Hence the bill requires family members to “spy” on one another. This provision obviously does not strengthen the family unit in the manner that Hon. Bahati claims his bill wants to do, but rather promotes the breaking up of the family. This provision further threatens relationships beyond family members. What do I mean? If a gay person talks to his priest or his doctor in confidence, seeking advice, the bill requires that such person breaches their trust and confidentiality with the gay individual and immediately hands them over to the police within 24 hours. Failure to do so draws the risk of arrest to themselves. Or a mother who is trying to come to terms with her child’s sexual orientation may be dragged to police cells for not turning in her child to the authorities. The same fate would befall teachers, priests, local councilors, counselors, doctors, landlords, elders, employers, MPs, lawyers, etc.

Furthermore, if your job is in any way related to human rights activism, advocacy, education and training, research, capacity building, and related issues this bill should be a cause for serious alarm. In a very undemocratic and unconstitutional fashion, the bill seeks to silence human rights activists, academics, students, donors and non-governmental organizations. If passed into law it will stifle the space of civil society. The bill also undermines the pivotal role of the media to report freely on any issue. The point I am trying to make is that we are all potential victims of this draconian bill.

Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. told us many years ago, “Power at its best is love implementing the demands of justice, and justice at its best is love correcting everything that stands against love.” Article 1 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights instructs us: “All Human Beings are Born Free and Equal in Dignity and Rights.” Many great people that we respect and admire have spoken out for the rights of homosexuals. These include international award winners and champions of freedom and humanity—President Nelson Mandela, Archbishop Desmond Tutu and President Barack Obama. Just yesterday, it was reported that former president of Botswana, Festus Mogae added his voice to those who have come out in opposition to the Bahati Bill (Daily Monitor, November 17, 2009 at p.10).

We must remember that the principal message at the heart of all religions is one of LOVE (And now these three remain: faith, hope and love. But the greatest of these is love– 1 Corinthians 13: 13). All religions teach the virtues of tolerance and urge their followers to desist from passing judgment. Ladies and gentlemen, this bill promotes hatred, intolerance, superiority and violence. Even if you believe that homosexuality is a sin, this bill is not the best method to address the issue. It is valid to have religious and spiritual anxieties but our jurisprudence has a long history of separating the institutions of religion from the law. The law, Mr. Chairperson, does not seek to ally any legal principle with a particular religion. Mr. Stephen Langa is free to deliver his lectures on morality but it is unacceptable to reduce what his is preaching into law. In my final submission I want to turn to a legal analysis of this bill.

1. IV. The Legal Implications of the Bill

Mr. Chairperson, ladies and gentlemen, the Anti-Homosexuality bill has a total of 18 clauses. 12 of these 18 clauses (i.e., 67%) are not new at all as they simply replicate what we already have on our law books. So the first point I want to highlight is that Parliament has been given a bill two-thirds of whose content duplicates existing laws.

So, let us examine the content of the remaining 6 clauses that introduce new legal provisions.

• Clauses 6 provides for the recognition of the right to privacy and confidentiality for the victim of homosexual assaults. This is a procedural issue that no one can dispute and it can easily be inserted in the Penal Code provisions that criminalize rape and aggravated defilement.

Nevertheless, the remaining 5 clauses are extremely problematic from a legal point of view. They violate Uganda’s constitution and many other regional and international instruments that Uganda has ratified.

• The interpretation section (Clause 1) replicates several definitions that are provided for elsewhere. Its novel provisions lie in the attempt to define homosexuality and its related activities. I have already alluded to the potential danger that Ugandans face in the threatening and broad fashion that the bill defines a “homosexual act.”

• Clause 13 which attempts to outlaw the “Promotion of Homosexuality” is very problematic as it introduces widespread censorship and undermines fundamental freedoms such as the rights to free speech, expression, association and assembly. Under this provision an unscrupulous person aspiring to unseat a member of parliament can easily send the incumbent MP unsolicited material via e-mail or text messaging, implicating the latter as one “promoting homosexuality.” After being framed in that way, it will be very difficult for the victim to shake free of the “stigma.” Secondly, by criminalizing the “funding and sponsoring of homosexuality and related activities,” the bill deals a major blow to Uganda’s public health policies and efforts. Take for example, the Most At Risk Populations’ Initiative (MARPI) introduced by the Ministry of Health in 2008, which targets specific populations in a comprehensive manner to curb the HIV/AIDS scourge. If this bill becomes law, health practitioners as well as those that have put money into this exemplary initiative will automatically be liable to imprisonment for seven years! The clause further undermines civil society activities by threatening the fundamental rights of NGOs and the use of intimidating tactics to shackle their directors and managers.

• Clause 14 introduces the crime of “Failure to Disclose the Offence” of homosexuality. As I have noted above, under this provision any person in authority is obliged to report a homosexual to the relevant authorities within 24 hours of acquiring such knowledge. Not only does this infringe on the right to privacy but it is practically unenforceable. It dangerously opens up room for potential abuse, blackmail, witch-hunting, etc. Do we really want to move sexual acts between consenting adults into the public realm?
• Clause 16 relates to extra-territorial jurisdiction, and basically confers authority on Ugandan law enforcers to arrest and charge a Ugandan citizen or permanent resident who engages in homosexual activities outside the borders of Uganda. This law enforcement model is normally used in international crimes such as money laundering, terrorism, etc. The Ugandan Penal Code already provides for crimes that call for extra-territoriality. All these touch on the security of the state e.g., treason, terrorism and war mongering (see S.4 of the PCA).

When it comes to offences committed partly within and partly outside Uganda, the Penal Code provides:

When an act which, if wholly done within the jurisdiction of the court, would be an offence against this Code is done partly within and partly beyond the jurisdiction, every person who within the jurisdiction does or makes any part of such act may be tried and punished under this Code in the same manner as if such act had been done wholly within the jurisdiction. [Section 5—Emphasis added]

Note that clause16 of the Bill employs the disjunctive “or” which gives it wider reach than S.5 of the Penal Code that uses the conjunctive “and”. Therefore, what the Bill proposes to do is to elevate homosexual acts to a position of such importance that they appear to be at an even higher plane than murder, rape or grievous bodily harm for which no such provision is made. It is difficult to see any rational basis for such inordinate attention to homosexuality. And how exactly will they enforce this provision? Is the government going to storm the bedrooms of consenting adults, or deploy spies to follow them when they travel abroad in order to establish who they have slept with and how they did it? Does this include heterosexual couples that engage in anal sex? What about our constitutional right to privacy? In short, this provision of the Bill is a gross abuse of the principle of extra-territoriality. But more importantly, the bill carries hidden venom that is bound to spread beyond persons that engage in homosexuality.

• Perhaps the most shocking aspect of this bill is Clause 18, which requires Uganda to opt out of any international treaty that we have previously ratified that goes against the spirit of the bill. Article 287 of the Constitution obliges Uganda to fully subscribe to all its international treaties obligations ratified prior to the passing of the 2005 constitution. We cannot legislate or simply wish these obligations away. Indeed, international law prohibits us from doing such a thing. Article 26 of the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties clearly sets out the pacta sunt servanda rule which requires that “Every treaty in force is binding upon the parties to it and must be performed by them in good faith.”

Article 123 (1), a provision deliberately placed in Chapter Seven of the Constitution (dealing with the powers of the Executive) says:

The President or a person authorised by the President may make treaties, conventions, agreements, or other arrangements between Uganda and any other country or between Uganda and any international organisation or body, in respect of any matter.

This is a wide power that can only be limited by express language under the Constitution itself. A major procedural limitation is found in the next clause of the same article, which provides:

Parliament shall make laws to govern ratification of treaties, conventions, agreements or other arrangements made under clause (1) of this article. (Art. 123.2)

Another substantive limitation is to be found in the Bill of Rights found in Chapter 4. In effect, the President cannot by the mechanism of Article 123(1) sign treaties whose effect would be to amend the Constitution. Indeed, any such treaty would be, as a matter of municipal law, null and void to the extent of such inconsistency, in terms of Article 2 (2) of the Constitution.

Parliament therefore has only a procedural role to incorporate treaties into Ugandan law – and that is the full extent of its powers. It cannot purport to proscribe ex ante (before the fact) the limit of the President’s treaty making powers. Nor indeed, can parliament bind its own future action by purporting to exercise in advance its power to scrutinize treaties signed by the President and determine which of them to ratify. All that Parliament can do is to either ratify or refuse to ratify a treaty after it is signed, and in the latter case such treaty does not become part of Ugandan law. This is the balance of executive power and democratic input achieved by Article 123, and one that clause 18 of the Bill is incompetent to amend.

Mr. Chairperson, distinguished participants, I wish to end by appealing to members of parliament and all Ugandans that believe in human rights and the dignity of all human beings to reject the Anti-homosexuality bill. I am imploring Hon. Bahati to withdraw his private members bill. Do we really in our hearts of hearts want our country to be the first on the continent to demand that mothers spy on their children, that teachers refuse to talk about what is, after all, “out there” and that our gay and lesbian citizens are systematically and legally terrorized into suicide? Ladies and gentlemen, you may strongly disagree with the phenomenon of same-sex erotics; you may be repulsed by what you imagine homosexuals do behind their bedroom doors; you may think that all homosexuals deserve to burn in hell. However, it is quite clear that this Bill will cause more problems around the issue of homosexuality than it will solve. I suggest that Hon. Bahati’s bill be quietly forgotten. It is no more or less than an embarrassment to our intelligence, our sense of justice and our hearts.

Thank you for your attention.

Response after the Q & A Session

Mr. Chairperson, in the interest of time I will respond to only three issues:

• “Mad people” “like bats seeing the world upside down” “animals” “wicked”… These are some of the words used to describe homosexuals by the audience. All the heckling and vicious jeering… Mr. Bahati you commenced your talk this afternoon by saying, “We are not in the hate campaign.” Well, if you were in any doubt about the fact that your bill is whipping up hatred and violence against homosexuals, just reflect back on the discourse that transpired in the room this afternoon.

• Secondly, Mr. Chairperson I think it is the height of paternalism and arrogance for Hon. Bahati and Mr. Langa to stand here and say they are legislating against homosexuals because they love them, they feel sorry for them, they face the risk of cancer, their lives are reduced by 20 years, etc. Homosexuals are not asking for your pity, love, approval or redemption. They only want you to affirm their humanness and their right to exist and be different.

• Finally, Mr. Chairperson, Hon. Bahati asked the question, “Tamale, do you support homosexuality?” I would like to tell Hon. Bahati that I am a simple woman that recognizes all human beings as worthy of dignity and rights and I am not obsessed with how people have sex in the privacy of their bedrooms. I support the rights of all human beings regardless of how and with whom they have sex as long as they are adults and are not harming anyone. So, the question should not be whether I support homosexuality, or heterosexuality for that matter.

Thank you very much Mr. Chairperson

---

[1] Study cited in Uganda Youth Development Link, Report on Sectoral Study on Commercial Sexual Exploitation of Children in Uganda, Commissioned by the International Labour Organisation (ILO) and the Ministry of Gender, Labour and Social Development (January 2004).

[2] See Raising Voices and Save the Children (edited by Dipak Naker), Violence Against Children: The Voices of Ugandan Children and Adults. (2005). Available at http://www.raisingvoices.org/files/VACuganda.RV.pdf

[3] See Law Reform Commission, A Study Report on Domestic Violence, April 2006 at p.112

[4] See http://www.measuredhs.com/pubs/pdf/FR194/FR194.pdf

[5] See Report by the Office of the Auditor General, Value for Money Audit Report on Uganda AIDS Control Project, October 2007. Available at http://www.oag.go.ug/docs/UACauditreport.pdf

[6] See UBOS, Spatial Trends of Poverty and Inequality in Uganda: 2002-2005, February 2009.

Over the past two decades there have been conscious global efforts to promote women’s participation in politics. Some of these efforts include the Beijing Conference held in 1995 with the main agenda being women’s empowerment. The international community has also underscored the importance of women assuming positions of power and influence, not only because their points of view and talents are needed, but also as a matter of respecting their human rights.

In many African countries women are still considered as second class citizens and have been relegated to the background. The situation in some communities is worsened by entrenched traditional practices which do not allow women the right to be part of decision-making on issues affecting them in their communities. Irrespective of the emerging changes on the political landscape of women’s active involvement in political activity, politics continues to be male dominated and women face many socio cultural and economic challenges which prevent them from entring political offices.

For this reason the West African Civil Society Institute and the Women Peace and Security Network Africa (WIPSEN – Africa) organized the 2^nd Women’s Policy Forum. The theme for the second forum was “Our Politics is NOW: Moving Beyond the Rhetoric of Women’s Political Participation”. The gathering brought together 40 women’s civil society groups (women’s groups and networks), government, intergovernmental organisations, academia, ECOWAS gender machineries, and development agencies. Three donor organizations namely the African Women’s Development Fund, the Urgent Action Fund-Kenya and Daphne Foundation were also represented. The aim of the forum was to examine and develop strategies to enhance women’s visibility, involvement and candidacy in upcoming electoral processes across West Africa, to identify potential entry points for women’s political participation in politics and to learn from the experiences of countries that have successfully increased women’s participation in politics. Coming just before the review of Beijing +15, where African governments will evaluate progress made in implementing the Beijing Platform of Action, the need for this forum couldn’t be overemphasized. It actually provided a safe space for women to critically assess progress made and identify gaps in women’s participation in politics. In line with its values and principles, AWDF awarded a grant of US$30,000 towards organizing this forum. During the meeting, AWDF made a presentation on accessing financial support for women’s political participation. The under-representation of women in the political landscape is closely linked with economic difficulties. Funding continues to be a challenge for women’s political participation and the session also highlighted the fact that irrespective of the many challenges around access to financial resources, new fundraising initiatives and opportunities have been created and they are in addition to the existing UN institutions, in the form of women’s funds which have been established across the world to raise funds for women’s rights activities. Women’s funds are committed to funding women’s work at local, national and international levels.

It is a unanimous opinion that many women have competent skills and resources guaranteeing their self-reliance but do not engage in political activities. Attracting self-reliant women to politics therefore must be one of the goals of the women’s empowerment process. On the other hand, adequate strategies must be developed to move women in lower echelons of leadership to higher levels and to help those already in leadership position maintain their positions and be able to influence decisions and policies and make meaningful changes. The timing of this a forum is critical as between 2010 and 2012 many countries like Benin, Burkina Faso, Côte d’Ivoire, Liberia, Cape Verde, Gambia, Ghana, Mali, Niger, Nigeria and Sierra Leone will be holding general elections. This was therefore an opportunity for many politicians and civil society networks to strategize around enhancing women’s active participation in the political circle.

Amongst strategies proposed by the forum to promote the process of women’s political empowerment were collective strategies of research on existing regional and legal instruments to end gender discrimination through legislation, government policy, development policy, documentation of elections models and experiences, capacity building and resource mobilization training.

As key regional organisations, WACSI and WIPSEN Africa form key strategic partners in the realization of women’s active political participation. It is therefore important that organisation’s such as AWDF take keen interest in the management and direction of these organizations to support them to play their role as strategic partner in the quest for enhancing women’s political participation. Personally I think women in leadership positions must also devise means of sustaining their collaboration with women’s organizations, activists and the media to concretely address women-specific concerns, without breaching loyalty to their respective political platforms.

Rissi Assani-Alabi

Francophone Programme Officer

AWDF

[tp lang=”en” not_in=”fr”]Statement from the Africa Women’s NGO Consultative Meeting

Beijing +15 Review

November 16, 2009, Banjul, The Gambia

We, the representatives of civil society organisations addressing women’s and human rights issues across Africa, meeting in the margins of the 8^th Africa Regional Conference on Women (Beijing +15) on November 15 and 16, 2009 in Banjul, The Gambia;

Having assembled to deliberate on the progress in implementing the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action in Africa since the last review (Beijing +10), to validate the Africa Regional NGO Shadow Report on Beijing +15 which incorporates national and sub-regional reviews from women’s civil society organisations and networks;

Recognizing that the Beijing +15 Review process is taking place at a time of both great opportunities and challenges for African women in the realization of their civil, political, social, economic and cultural rights;

Considering WITH GREAT CONCERN that although the process of implementation of Beijing Platform for Action over the last 15 years has utilized significant resources, progress remains minimal, slow and fragmented, and has not resulted in fundamental changes in the lives of the majority of women in Africa;

Noting that the implementation of the Beijing Platform for Action and human rights instruments that reinforce its provisions such as Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) and the Protocol on the Rights of women in Africa involves a range of stakeholders, the primary responsibility rests with member states of the African Union;

Further noting that the Beijing commitments have been repeatedly articulated as human rights guarantees which states parties are obligated to protect, promote and fulfil to the fullest extent possible, and that this requires visible and consistent political will and resources in order to deliver on this agenda;

We therefore highlight the following actions among others, specified in the Beijing +15 Africa NGO Shadow Report as an urgent Call on African Governments to accelerate the implementation of the Beijing Platform for Action over the next 5 years;

1. Ensure universal ratification of the African Union Protocol on Women’s Rights, CEDAW and its Optional Protocol, as an indication of their political commitment to the human rights standards and urgently domesticate in full the instruments on women’s rights to provide a legal basis for protecting, fulfilling and enforcing provisions on women’s social and economic rights in particular;

2. Accelerate implementation of the Beijing Platform for Action and all women’s rights commitments through a multi – sectoral approach, that States committed to in Beijing in 1995, by the end of the first three years of the Africa Women’s Decade;

3. Ensure that structures established to lead the gender equality and women’s empowerment agenda have adequate resources as an indication of member states’ political commitment to women’s advancement;

4. Ratify the African Union Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance, harmonize the electoral laws and democratic structures with its provisions and consistently implement the African Union gender parity commitments at national and local governance levels by 2015;

5. Ensure that electoral and policy reforms are fully implemented to guarantee women’s full and effective participation in leadership and decision-making in terms of equal representation, participation in political parties and as key stakeholders in the democratic processes of their countries;

6. Allocate funds from the African Union Women’s Fund for training and education programmes for women politicians aspiring for elected positions as a priority to enhance their capacities to effectively participate in and influence decision making processes.

7. Enact Freedom of Information legislation in line with internationally accepted human rights principles and standards in order to guarantee citizens’ access to critical information particularly to African women, to facilitate their full and effective participation in governance, democratic processes and development.

8. Urgently implement their commitments to change attitudes and practices that negatively impact on the protection, promotion and fulfilment of women’s rights by using the media among others, as a powerful tool for building public and targeted awareness and education on women’s rights and advancement.

9. Meet their reporting requirements on progress made towards gender equality in Africa and where there is non compliance we call upon the African Union to institute additional mechanisms for ensuring accountability under the Protocol on the Rights of women (2003) and the Solemn Declaration on Gender Equality in Africa (2004).

10. Address the burning issue of impunity in Africa with regard to violations of human rights of African citizens, particularly violence against women and children in conflict situations, and ensure fulfilments of commitments to the protection of women and children from all forms of violence;

11. Ensure that member states prioritise women’s health as a human rights issue, particularly maternal, sexual and reproductive health, as a critical component of sustainable development in Africa, and intensify actions to reduce the feminisation of HIV/AIDS;

12. Take deliberate efforts to nominate female candidates for the position of Chairperson of the African Union Commission as a sign of equal sharing of leadership and responsibilities for delivering on the development agenda in Africa;

13. Invest in women’s education with particular attention to science and technology training, to ensure that African women benefit from the changing global technology framework;

14. Build the capacity of rural women in agriculture and strengthen women’s land rights as part of the process of implementing the New Partnership for Africa’s Development Comprehensive Africa Agricultural Development Programme (CAADP) and the AU Land Policy Framework and Guidelines;

15. Invest in research on climate change in Africa and its implications for women, and address gender dimensions with respect to mitigation, adaptability, response and compensation mechanisms. Invest in research and technology on clean and renewable energy sources ensuring gender analysis is integrated;

16. Desist from engaging in bilateral and international trade and economic agreements that undermine the regional integration process and impact negatively on women’s rights and advancement;

17. Invest in women’s entrepreneurship for effective economic empowerment and eliminate barriers to women starting businesses and small/medium enterprises and commit sufficient resources to infrastructural development that facilitates trade within countries and across borders in the region; and

18. Ensure that gender equality is incorporated in all planning and budgeting processes at different levels, and the deliberate development of sex disaggregated data and gender sensitive indicators, as one of the ways to guarantee effective implementation of all the Beijing commitments and as a strategy for promoting, protecting and fulfilling African women’s right to development.

[tp lang=”fr” not_in=”en”]

Déclaration de réunion consultative des ONG des femmes d’Afrique
Beijing +15 examen
16 novembre 2009, Banjul, Gambie

Nous, les représentants des organisations de la société civile portant sur les femmes et de droits humains à travers l’Afrique, les questions réunion en marge de la 8e Conférence régionale africaine sur les femmes (Pékin + 15) le 15 Novembre et 16, 2009 à Banjul, Gambie;

Ayant assemblé pour délibérer sur les progrès réalisés dans la mise en œuvre de la Déclaration de Beijing et du Programme d’action en Afrique depuis le dernier examen (Beijing +10), pour valider le rapport des ONG Ombre régional pour l’Afrique sur Beijing +15 qui intègre les examens nationaux et sous-régionaux de femmes organisations de la société civile et des réseaux;

Reconnaissant que le processus d’examen de Beijing +15 se déroule à un moment des deux grandes opportunités et de défis pour les femmes africaines dans la réalisation de leurs droits civils, politiques, sociaux, économiques et culturels;

Considérant avec une grande préoccupation que, bien que le processus de mise en œuvre de la Plate-forme d’action de Beijing au cours des 15 dernières années, a utilisé d’importantes ressources, le progrès reste minime, lent et fragmenté et n’a pas donné lieu à des changements fondamentaux dans la vie de la majorité des femmes en Afrique ;

Notant que la mise en œuvre de la Plateforme d’action de Beijing et des instruments des droits humains qui renforcent ses dispositions telles que la Convention sur l’élimination de toutes les formes de discrimination à l’égard des femmes (CEDAW) et le Protocole sur les droits des femmes en Afrique implique un éventail de parties prenantes, la responsabilité principale incombe aux États membres de l’Union africaine;

Notant en outre que les engagements pris à Beijing ont été à plusieurs reprises articulé comme les garanties des droits de l’homme que les États parties sont tenus de protéger, promouvoir et réaliser, dans toute la mesure du possible, et que cela exige une volonté politique et des ressources visible et cohérente afin de livrer sur ce programme;

Nous soulignons en conséquence les mesures suivantes, entre autres, précisés dans le Rapport Pékin +15 Afrique ONG Ombre comme un appel urgent aux gouvernements africains pour accélérer la mise en œuvre du Programme d’action de Beijing au cours des 5 prochaines années;

1. Assurer la ratification universelle du Protocole de l’Union africaine sur les droits des femmes, la CEDAW et son Protocole facultatif, comme une indication de leur engagement politique aux normes des droits de l’homme et domestiquer urgence pleinement les instruments sur les droits des femmes à fournir une base juridique pour la protection, l’accomplissement et l’application des dispositions sur les droits sociaux et économiques des femmes en particulier;

2. Accélérer la mise en œuvre de la Plateforme d’action de Beijing et des engagements de toutes les femmes de l’homme à travers une approche multi – sectorielles, que les États engagé à Beijing en 1995, à la fin des trois premières années de la Décennie de la Femme en Afrique;

3. Veiller à ce que les structures mises en place pour mener l’égalité des sexes et l’ordre du jour de l’émancipation des femmes disposent de ressources suffisantes comme une indication de l’engagement politique des Etats membres de la promotion de la femme;

4. Ratifier la Charte de l’Union africaine sur la démocratie, les élections et la gouvernance, d’harmoniser les lois électorales et les structures démocratiques à ses dispositions et mettre en œuvre les engagements de parité entre les sexes de l’Union africaine aux niveaux de gouvernance nationales et locales d’ici 2015 de manière cohérente;

5. Veiller à ce que les réformes électorales et politiques sont pleinement mises en œuvre pour garantir la participation pleine et effective des femmes dans le leadership et la prise de décision en termes de représentation égale, la participation à des partis politiques et que les principales parties prenantes dans les processus démocratiques de leur pays;

6. Allouer des fonds du Fonds pour les femmes de l’Union africaine pour les programmes de formation et d’éducation pour les femmes politiques qui aspirent à des postes électifs comme une priorité afin d’améliorer leurs capacités à participer efficacement à l’influence et les processus décisionnels.

7. Promulguer la liberté de la législation de l’information en ligne avec les principes internationalement acceptés et les normes des droits humains afin de garantir l’accès des citoyens à l’information critique en particulier aux femmes africaines, afin de faciliter leur participation pleine et effective à la gouvernance, les processus démocratiques et de développement.

8. Mettre en œuvre de toute urgence leurs engagements à changer les attitudes et les pratiques qui ont un impact négatif sur la protection, la promotion et la réalisation des droits des femmes en utilisant les médias, entre autres, comme un outil puissant pour sensibiliser le public et ciblée et de l’éducation sur les droits et la promotion des femmes.

9.À répondre à leurs exigences en matière de rapports sur les progrès réalisés vers l’égalité des sexes en Afrique et où il ya non-conformité, nous appelons l’Union africaine d’instituer des mécanismes supplémentaires pour assurer la responsabilité en vertu du Protocole sur les droits des femmes (2003) et la Déclaration solennelle sur l’égalité des sexes dans Afrique (2004).

10. Aborder la question brûlante de l’impunité en Afrique en ce qui concerne les violations des droits humains des citoyens africains, en particulier la violence contre les femmes et les enfants dans les situations de conflit, et d’assurer les accomplissements des engagements à la protection des femmes et des enfants contre toutes les formes de violence;

11. Veiller à ce que les Etats membres privilégient la santé des femmes comme une question de droits humains, en particulier maternelle, sexuelle et la santé génésique, en tant que composante essentielle du développement durable en Afrique, et d’intensifier les actions pour réduire la féminisation du VIH / sida;

12. Prenez des efforts délibérés pour nommer des candidats féminins pour le poste de Président de la Commission de l’Union africaine comme un signe de partage égal des responsabilités de leadership et pour délivrer sur l’agenda du développement en Afrique;

13. Investir dans l’éducation des femmes avec une attention particulière à la formation de la science et de la technologie, afin d’assurer que les femmes africaines bénéficient du cadre technologique mondial en mutation;

14. Renforcer les capacités des femmes rurales dans l’agriculture et renforcer les droits fonciers des femmes dans le cadre du processus de mise en œuvre du Nouveau partenariat pour le développement intégré de l’agriculture africaine du développement des programmes de l’Afrique (PDDAA) et le Cadre de politique foncière de l’UA et des lignes directrices;

15. Investir dans la recherche sur le changement climatique en Afrique et ses implications pour les femmes, et de traiter les dimensions de genre par rapport aux mécanismes d’atténuation, d’adaptation, de réponse et de compensation. Investir dans la recherche et de la technologie sur les sources d’énergie propres et renouvelables assurant l’analyse de genre est intégrée;

16. Cesser de se livrer à des accords bilatéraux et internationaux commerciales et économiques qui minent le processus d’intégration régionale et de l’impact négatif sur les droits et la promotion de la femme;

17.Investir dans l’entrepreneuriat des femmes pour l’autonomisation économique efficace et d’éliminer les obstacles pour les femmes à partir des entreprises et des petites / moyennes entreprises et des ressources suffisantes pour le développement des infrastructures qui facilite le commerce au sein des pays et à travers les frontières dans la région; et

18.Veiller à ce que l’égalité des sexes est intégrée dans tous les processus de planification et de budgétisation à différents niveaux, et le développement délibérée de données ventilées par sexe et des indicateurs sensibles au genre, comme l’un des moyens de garantir la mise en œuvre effective de tous les engagements pris à Beijing et comme une stratégie de promotion, protéger et réaliser le droit au développement des femmes africaines.[/tp]

African Governments Challenged to Live-up to Commitments in the Beijing Platform for Action

Civil society organisations meeting at the Africa Women’s NGO Consultative Meeting in the margins of the Eighth Africa Regional Conference on Women (Beijing+15) in Banjul, The Gambia, are calling on African Governments to urgently accelerate implementation of the Beijing Platform for Action in Africa and the international and regional human rights instruments that reinforce its provisions in form of human rights guarantees.

Making her opening remarks at the opening session of the two days meeting the Executive Director of FEMNET, Ms. Norah Matovu Winyi mentioned that women’s creativity, perseverance, productivity and commitment which sustain life in African societies is a resource that government cannot to leave untapped if Africa is to develop. “The loss of life by many young girls, women and children in Africa due to preventable causes like malaria, poor medical services, comes at a very high cost to the continent and must be prevented by every action possible. We therefore owe it to the women who are not in Banjul to make our voices clearly heard so that the leaders in Africa know that they have an obligation to promote, protect and fulfil all the human rights of women. Things must change for the better in the lives of majority of women in Africa” said Ms. Winyi. She ended her remarks by appreciating the hospitality of the government of The Gambia and its people who have used every resource possible to ensure that the civil society experts coming from all parts of Africa have a fruitful meeting.

The Vice President and Secretary of State for women’s Affairs Hon. Dr. Isatou Njie-Saidy, was the chief guest at the opening of the Consultative meeting. She appreciated the women of Africa who braved the long journeys to be present at this historical meeting reviewing the 15 years’ progress since the Beijing Conference on Women held in 1995. “I am excited on the one hand that a lot is happening to change the status and the situation of women in Africa in terms of their power, leadership, education, access to health services and information, access to land, credit and employment opportunities, and having more freedom to participate in public affairs. On the other hand it is truly challenging that the progress is so slow. We have to do more. We have to remain committed. We cannot afford to remain complacent. Sustainable change is our goal” said the Vice President. She recognised the need for government to strengthen its partnerships with civil society and the private sector in the development process so that our more coherent and well coordinated efforts lead to the change we desired to see in the realities of the lives of the African woman and girl child.

The 100 African women at the meeting, drawn from 15 countries in the region, expressed their great concern that 15 years after the Fourth World Conference on Women held in Beijing, progress by Governments in implementing the agreed Platform for Action has been slow and fragmented, and has failed to result in fundamental changes in the lives of many African women.

The women assembled urged African Governments to ensure implementation of the Beijing Platform for Action over the next 5 years with urgency as the next five years are the last in the block of 20 years which were envisioned within which to move the commitments to transformative actions. It will be in the same year 2015 within which the Millennium Development Goals and their various targets must have been realized or surpassed. The civil society experts on gender issues emphasized the urgent need for governments in Africa to take actions including the following to accelerate progress in the promotion, protection and fulfilment of women’s rights:

• Ensure that structures established to lead the gender equality and women’s empowerment agenda have adequate resources as an indication of African states’ political commitment to women’s advancement;

• Aim to achieve universal ratification of the African Union Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance by end of 2011 and harmonize the electoral laws and democratic structures with its provisions;

• Consistently implement the African Union gender parity commitments at national and local governance levels by 2015.

• Take urgent measures at the African Union, Regional economic blocs and national levels to address the burning issue of impunity in Africa with regard to violations of human rights of African citizens, particularly violence against women and children in conflict situations; and

• Ensure that member states prioritise women’s health as a human rights issue, particularly maternal, sexual and reproductive health, as a critical component of sustainable development in Africa, and intensify actions to reduce the feminisation of HIV/AIDS;

Civil society also called on African governments to meet their reporting requirements on progress made towards gender equality in Africa and where there is non compliance further called upon the African Union to institute additional mechanisms for ensuring accountability under the Protocol on the Rights of women (2003) and the Solemn Declaration on Gender Equality in Africa (2004).

Note to Editors

The key messages are based on the draft Beijing +15 Africa NGO Shadow Report deliberated by representatives of civil society organisations addressing women’s and human rights issues across Africa, meeting in the margins of the 8th Africa Regional Conference on Women (Beijing +15) from November 16-20, 2009 in Banjul, Gambia to deliberate on the progress in implementing the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action in Africa since the last review (Beijing +10). The Africa Regional NGO Shadow Report on Beijing +15 incorporates national and sub-regional reviews from women’s civil society organisations and networks. For Background information on the Beijing Platform for Action visit the FEMNET Website: www.femnet.or.ke

For more information, please contact: Carlyn Hambuba FEMNET Communications Officer or Tel 254 20 2712971/2 Email: communication@femnet.or.ke or Naisola Likimani Advocacy Officer advocacy@femnet.or.ke Tel: +220 9024650 in Banjul, The Gambia.

banjul book Launch

[tp lang=”en” not_in=”fr”]IMMEDIATE PRESS RELEASE
13th November, 2009
AWDF AT REGIONAL REVIEW OF THE IMPLEMENTATION OF THE BEIJING PLATFORM FOR ACTION IN AFRICA (BEIJING+ 15)

The African Women’s Development Fund (AWDF) will be participating in the Fifteen Year Review of the Beijing Platform for Action in Africa, to be held in Banjul, the Gambia between the 16th and 20th of November, 2009. The African governments and civil society organisations will meet to assess progress made on the implementation of the Beijing Platform for Action 15 years after it was adopted. AWDF is committed to ensuring the full participation of African women’s rights organisations at key regional and international policy as decision making fora. As part of this commitment, AWDF is supporting the participation of 10 African women’s rights organizations, namely:

• Africa Women’s Development and Communication Network (FEMNET)

• Akina Mama wa Afrika (AMwA)

• Alliances for Africa (AfA)

• International Federation of Women Lawyers (FIDA) – Cameroun

• Isis-Women’s International Cross Cultural Exchange (ISIS WICCE)

• Swaziland Positive Living (SWAPOL)

• Uganda Women’s Network (UWONET)

• Women in Law and Development in Africa (WILDAF/FEDDAF) – West Africa

• Women in Law and Development in Africa (WILDAF) – Ghana

• Women’s Initiative for Self Empowerment (WISE)

• Zimbabwe Women’s Resource Centre and Network (ZWRCN)

On the 18th of November 2009, AWDF in conjunction with UNIFEM will hosta side event on “The Economic Meltdown and its Impact on Women and the Achievement of the Gender Equality Targets in Twelve Critical Areas of the Beijing Platform for Action”. This event will be attended by Ministers for Gender/Women Affairs and their technical as well as representatives of civil society organizations. This will be followed by the launch of a coffee table book produced by AWDF entitled, “Voice, Power and Soul: Portraits of African Feminists”.

In her preface to the book, Bisi Adeleye-Fayemi, co-editor and Executive Director of AWDF states: “Some of the faces in Voices, Power and Soul are well known in the international women’s movement and development circles. Many are not. The voices are rich and varied, and while some might carry messages of anger, rage, frustration, and pain, they also talk about hopes, dreams, aspirations and inspiration. The amazing insights and experiences highlighted in this production are reflective of the challenges facing women active in social change movements in Africa today”.

About AWDF

The African Women’s Development Fund (AWDF) is a grant-making foundation, which supports local, national and regional organizations in Africa working towards women’s empowerment. AWDF through institutional capacity building and program development seeks to build a culture of learning and partnerships within the African women’s movement.
The vision of AWDF is for African women to live in a world in which there is social justice, equality and respect for women’s human rights. To this end, our mission is to mobilize financial resources to support local, national and regional initiatives led by women, which will lead to the achievement of this vision.
Press Enquiries

Nana Sekyiamah – Programme Officer (Fundraising & Communications)
African Women’s Development Fund
Plot 78, Ambassadorial Enclave, East Legon, Accra
Tel: + 233 21 521257
Email: nana@africlub.net/awdf
Website: www.africlub.net/awdf[/tp]

[tp lang=”fr” not_in=”en”]COMMUNIQUÉ DE PRESSE
13th Novembre, 2009
AWDF EN REGION DE L’APPLICATION DE LA PLATE-FORME D’ACTION DE BEIJING EN AFRIQUE (Beijing + 15)

Le Fonds Africain de Développement de la Femme (AWDF) participera à l’Année examen Quinze de la Plate-forme d’action de Beijing en Afrique, qui se tiendra à Banjul, Gambie, entre le 16 et le 20 Novembre, 2009. Les gouvernements africains et les organisations de la société civile se réuniront pour évaluer les progrès accomplis sur la mise en œuvre de la Plate-forme d’action de Beijing 15 ans après il a été adopté. AWDF est engagé à assurer la pleine participation des organisations de femmes africaines de l’homme à la politique régionale et internationale clé en tant que forums de prise de décision. Dans le cadre de cet engagement, AWDF soutient la participation de 10 organisations africaines de défense des droits des femmes, à savoir:

• Développement et Communication Réseau de l’Afrique femmes (FEMNET)
• Akina Mama wa Afrika (AMwA)
• Alliances pour l’Afrique (AFA)
• Fédération internationale des femmes juristes (FIDA) – Cameroun
• International de la Croix d’échange culturel de Isis-femmes (ISIS WICCE)
• Swaziland Positive Living (SWAPOL)
• Réseau des femmes ougandaises (de UWONET)
• Femmes, droit et développement en Afrique (WiLDAF / FeDDAF) – Afrique de l’Ouest
• Femmes, droit et développement en Afrique (WILDAF) – Ghana
• Initiative des femmes pour l’autonomisation (WISE)
• Centre de ressources et de réseau (ZWRCN) du Zimbabwe femmes

Le 18 Novembre 2009, AWDF en collaboration avec l’UNIFEM side event de hosta sur “la crise économique et son impact sur les femmes et la réalisation des objectifs d’égalité entre les sexes dans les douze domaines critiques du Programme d’action de Beijing”. Cet événement sera suivi par les ministres pour l’égalité / Affaires de la Femme et de leur technique ainsi que des représentants d’organisations de la société civile. Cette étape sera suivie par le lancement d’un livre de table à café produit par AWDF intitulé «Voix, Power and Soul: Portraits des féministes africaines”.

Dans sa préface à l’ouvrage, Bisi Adeleye-Fayemi, co-rédacteur en chef et directeur exécutif de AWDF déclare: “Certains des visages dans Voices, le Pouvoir et l’âme sont bien connus dans le mouvement et de développement de cercles de femmes internationales. Beaucoup ne sont pas. Les voix sont riches et variées, et alors que certains pourraient porter des messages de colère, la rage, la frustration et la douleur, ils parlent aussi des espoirs, des rêves, des aspirations et de l’inspiration. Les connaissances et les expériences mises en évidence dans cette production étonnants sont le reflet des défis auxquels font face les femmes actives dans les mouvements de changement social en Afrique aujourd’hui “.

A propos d’AWDF

Le Fonds de développement des femmes africaines (AWDF) est une fondation d’octroi de subventions, qui soutient des organisations locales, nationales et régionales en Afrique travaillent à l’autonomisation des femmes. AWDF à travers le renforcement des capacités institutionnelles et le développement de programme vise à construire une culture de l’apprentissage et des partenariats au sein du mouvement des femmes africaines.
La vision de AWDF est pour les femmes africaines de vivre dans un monde dans lequel il ya la justice sociale, l’égalité et le respect des droits humains des femmes. À cette fin, notre mission est de mobiliser des ressources financières pour soutenir les initiatives locales, nationales et régionales dirigées par des femmes, ce qui mènera à la réalisation de cette vision.
Demandes de la presse

Nana Sekyiamah – Administrateur de programme (Levée de fonds et des communications)
Fonds de développement des femmes africaines
Terrain 78, des ambassadeurs Enclave, East Legon, Accra
Tel: + 233 21 521257
Email: nana@africlub.net/awdf[/tp]